On June 9, Japan’s 衆議院 (shūgiin, the House of Representatives) approved a bill to promote what it says is 性的マイノリティへの理解 (sei-teki mainoriti e no rikai, understanding of sexual minorities).
More formally, 性的マイノリティへの理解 is worded as 性的少数者への理解 (sei-teki shōsū-sha e no rikai, the understanding of sexual minorities), and the 法案 (hōan, bill) itself is named: 性的指向及びジェンダーアイデンティティの多様性に関する国民の理解の増進に関する法律案 (Sei-teki shikō oyobi jendā aidentiti no tayō-sei ni kan suru kokumin no rikai no zōshin ni kan suru hōritsu-an, The bill for increasing public awareness and understanding of the diversity in sexual orientation and gender identity).
Before the 衆議院 approved the bill, the term ジェンダーアイデンティティ became the focus of much debate among 議員 (giin, members of parliament). The bill’s initial draft, prepared by a 議員連盟 (giin-renmei, intraparty parliamentary group), used the term 性自認 (sei-jinin, gender self-recognition) to refer to how one identifies according to gender, but the majority Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito coalition’s definition opted to use 性同一性 (sei-dōitsu-sei, gender identity). More on those differences in a moment.
In the end, the 片仮名 (katakana) term ジェンダーアイデンティティ was proposed by Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Innovation Party) and the Democratic Party for the People and was adopted in the final wording of the bill.
After the bill’s passing, Jun Azumi, Diet affairs chief for the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, said, 「日本人がわからない英語を法律に書き込むなんて恥ずかしい話だ。日本の法律史上、まれに見る汚点だ」 (Nihon-jin ga wakaranai eigo o hōritsu ni kaki-komu nante hazukashii hanashi da. Nihon no hōritsu-shijō mare ni miru oten da, It’s shameful to incorporate an English term that Japanese people don’t understand into the law. It’s a blemish rarely seen in Japan’s legal history).”
日本の法律における外来語の使用基準は、その 言葉が日本語として定着しているか否かだとされています (Nihon no hōritsu ni okeru gairai-go no shiyō kijun wa sono kotoba ga Nihongo to shite teichaku shite-iru ka ina ka da to sarete-imasu, In Japanese law, the criteria for the use of foreign words is whether the word has become firmly established in the Japanese lexicon). For example, although コンピューター (konpyūtā, computer) is widely used in Japanese, 電子計算機 (denshi keisanki, electronic computer) is still preferred in the Japanese legal lexicon.
Therefore, 片仮名 terms that have recently spread in popularity are still replaced by cryptic expressions in Japanese law. That means リベンジポルノ (ribenji poruno, revenge porn) is referred to by the more complicated 私事性的画像記録物 (shijisei-teki gazō kirokubutsu) and the term ヘイトスピーチ (heito supīchi, hate speech) is replaced with 本邦外出身者に対する不当な差別的言動 (honpō-gai shusshin-sha ni tai suru futōna sabetsu-teki gendō).
So, why was ジェンダーアイデンティティ selected this time? Nippon Ishin explained that 性自認 and 性同一性 have 政治的な意味合い (seiji-tekina imi-ai, political implications) in that the former puts more emphasis on self-recognition and the latter is more about recognition more broadly, so choosing the original 国際共通語 (kokusai kyōtsū-go, universal language) allows the bill to be widely understood. アイデンティティ is usually translated into 自己同一性 (jiko-dōitsu-sei, identity), but it is undeniable that this word is rarely used in everyday language.
Lawmakers have also noted that this bill won’t intervene in the already existing 同性カップル公認制度 (dōsei kappuru kōnin-seido, same-sex partnership systems) and 差別禁止条例 (sabetsu-kinshi-jōrei, anti-discrimination acts) that 地方自治体 (chihō-jichi-tai, local governments) have launched. However, 同性カップル公認制度 does not currently have the same legal protections as 同性婚 (dōsei-kon, same-sex marriage) would.
Nevertheless, many local governments have issued guidelines to raise awareness of gender-neutral expressions alongside the establishments of these systems. For instance, the city of Chiba has been encouraging its employees to use 配偶者 (haigūsha, spouse), パートナー (pātonā, partner) and お連れ合いの方 (o-tsureai no kata, partner [companion]) when they address residents, instead of using words like 夫 (otto, husband), 妻 (tsuma, wife), 旦那様 (danna-sama, husband [master]) or 奥様 (okusama, wife). Many schools have also stopped using gender-biased 敬称 (keishō, suffixes) such as 君 (kun), a suffix for boys, and ちゃん (chan), a suffix for girls, replacing them with the standardized and gender-neutral さん (san).
The familiarity with 外来語 varies greatly among different generations in Japan. Overcoming the 言葉の壁 (kotoba no kabe, language barrier) between 日本語 and 外来語 is also an ongoing challenge in achieving true 多様性 in Japanese society.
Japan's dating scene is changing
The Japanese government’s 異次元の少子化対策 (ijigen no shōshi-ka taisaku, measures of unprecedented levels to tackle the declining birthrate) have been in the news a lot lately.
出生数だけでなく、婚姻数も底ばいが続いています (Shussei-sū dake de naku, kon’in-sū mo sokobai ga tsuzuite-imasu, Not only the number of births but also the number of marriages continues to bottom out). お見合い (O-miai, Formal matchmaking) and 職場結婚 (shokuba kekkon, marriage between co-workers) used to be a common 馴れ初め (naresome, relationship start), but 職場結婚 has decreased 40% in the past 30 years.
So, where do people find their partners today? According to one poll, over one-fifth of the couples who married in 2022 met on マッチングアプリ (mattchingu apuri, dating/matching apps).
Thus, アプリ婚 (apuri-kon), or those who meet and marry thanks to an app, is increasingly common in Japan. However, many users are beginning to complain of マッチングアプリ疲れ (mattchingu apuri-zukare, matching app fatigue). Linguistically speaking, the noun 疲れ (tsukare, tiredness) can connote a wide degree of fatigue — from 気疲れ (kizukare, mental fatigue) to 疲労困憊 (hirō-konpai, total exhaustion).
Those who use the apps say メッセージのやり取り (messēji no yaritori, exchanging messages) and 実際に会った時のイメージとのギャップ (jissai ni atta toki no imēji to no gyappu, the gap between the image and reality when meeting in person) are part of the pitfalls of dating via app.
Older generations might not understand or agree with the idea of アプリ婚. In order to avoid explanations, younger people may refer to their 馴れ初め as coming from a 友人の紹介 (yūjin no shōkai, friend’s introduction) instead.
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