To play a positive role in the international community of the 21st century, Japan should lift its self-imposed ban on the exercise of the right to collective self-defense, reinvent itself as a political power and win a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, according to Yukio Satoh, president of the Japan Institute of International Affairs.

"We should change our interpretation concerning the exercise of this right, not only for the sake of the Japan-U.S. alliance but also for active participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations," he said in an interview on Japan's medium- and long-term diplomatic challenges.

The government's position is that Japan has the right to collective self-defense under international laws, but is prohibited from exercising it under Article 9 of the Constitution.

Satoh said this position should be revised on certain conditions. "Changing it without restrictions is politically unwise," he said. "The important thing is to change it for specific purposes, such as to facilitate international peace cooperation under Security Council resolutions."

Satoh believes Japan should update its interpretation of the collective self-defense right as an a priori consideration, not as a precondition for permanent Security Council membership. "We should take appropriate steps, such as a Cabinet decision or a Diet resolution," he said. "This is not something we should do at the behest of the United States. We should act on our own judgment."

Earlier this month, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said: "If Japan is going to play a full role on the world stage and become a fully active participating member of the Security Council, and have the kind of obligations that it would pick up as a member of the Security Council, Article 9 would have to be examined in that light."

Referring to the planned redeployment of U.S. forces in East Asia and elsewhere, Satoh said: "We should take into account the interests of local communities that would be affected. Strategy is important because bases are maintained under the (Japan-U.S.) Security Treaty, but it is essential to get domestic support."

The expected relocation of some U.S. forces and bases in Japan looms as a diplomatic issue between the two countries. It is also likely to stir political controversy here. Already local communities tipped as likely relocation sites are mounting strong protests.

Satoh highly praised Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's two meetings with North Korean leader Kim Jong Il in Pyongyang, in September 2002 and again in May of this year, against a backdrop of a strengthened Japan-U.S. alliance. "Koizumi has enjoyed freedom of action with respect to issues involving the Korean Peninsula because he explicitly supported the U.S. over Iraq."

No doubt the close relationship between Koizumi and U.S. President George W. Bush has bolstered the Japan-U.S. alliance. There has been some concern, however, that Koizumi's diplomatic initiative toward North Korea -- which was aimed partly at resolving additional cases of suspected North Korean abductions of Japanese -- may undercut trilateral cooperation among the U.S, Japan and South Korea, given the lack of progress in the six-party talks on the North Korean nuclear program.

Asked whether the six-nation talks can provide a security framework for Northeast Asia, Satoh replied: "Japan should try to get the talks moving in this direction. It is important to create a forum where the six nations can discuss a broader range of issues of common interest." He puts a premium on the gradual approach.

Regarding Japan-China political relations, which remain unsettled in contrast to their deepening economic ties, Satoh said the two nations should "broaden their scope of diplomatic cooperation." "It's a sign of progress that Japan and China are cooperating for the common purpose of stopping North Korea's nuclear development," he said, adding that the two nations should cooperate in other areas, such as economic-development assistance to Africa.

Noting that Japan has provided large amounts of official development assistance and has sent its troops abroad on U.N. peacekeeping missions, Satoh asserted that "the next step for Japan is to project its political presence and become a political power."

For that, the Japanese should speak out on international political issues, he said, adding, "It's good that Koizumi kept telling America to respect U.N. resolutions on the Iraq issue."

As for Japan's overseas troop deployment, Satoh said the Self-Defense Forces should participate primarily in reconstruction and humanitarian-support activities within the framework of U.N. peacekeeping operations and U.N.-mandated multinational forces.

Satoh, a former permanent representative to the United Nations, has long advocated reform of the Security Council, as well as permanent council membership for Japan. "It is not right," he argued, "that the veto-holding five permanent members (the victors in World War 11) should continue to call the shots." He has also called for the deletion of the "enemy clause" in the U.N. Charter - a special stipulation that refers to the World War II enemies of the Allied nations.

Next year is the 60th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, and 2006 marks the 50th year since Japan joined the world body. This autumn Japan is expected to be elected a nonpermanent member of the Security Council for 2005-06.

Satoh said Koizumi should attend September's U.N. General Assembly session because things are developing in favor of Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the Security Council. Satoh believes the SDF dispatch to Samawah, Iraq, has dispelled Japan's international image as a passive player even in peacekeeping operations.

Permanent membership in the Security Council requires that Japan grow into a political power with a convincing worldview and a sophisticated capability to handle international conflicts. In a word, political leadership is essential.