Once again, the military government in Myanmar has made a symbolic gesture to placate international critics. The release of political prisoners is always welcome, but the government in Yangon does not question its right to use the opposition as pawns. The game must stop; nothing less than systemic reform can justify Myanmar's international rehabilitation.

The Myanmar government last weekend announced that it had freed nearly two dozen political prisoners, including 12 members of the opposition National League of Democracy, led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. The government's press statement called the releases "the latest in a series of efforts by the government to move Myanmar to multiparty democracy and national conciliation."

No doubt that is how Myanmar wants the moves to be seen. In fact, little progress has been made since national reconciliation talks with the NLD, brokered by the United Nations, began in 2000. Although hundreds of political prisoners have been freed, some 1,100 to 1,200 others remain in Myanmar's jails. The jail population ebbs and flows depending, apparently, on the government's comfort level. For example, days after the first Amnesty International delegation visited the country earlier this year, another dozen prodemocracy activists were arrested for "antigovernment activities."

Last weekend's announcement was the government's first to link prisoner releases to political change. The junta claims that it merely wants to create a "safe, sound and successful" democratic transition: "Democracy cannot be based on appeals to violence; it must be based on constructive dialogue and responsible action." Those are interesting words from a government that overturned the last attempt by the people of Myanmar to determine their fate and has been accused of torture, forced labor and systematic rape against ethnic minorities.

When the government is ready to move forward, it has a ready partner in Ms. Suu Kyi. She was released from house arrest a year ago, and has traveled to five of Myanmar's 10 states to rally supporters. Serious dialogue between the government and opposition has been lacking, though. Last month, Ms. Suu Kyi vented her frustrations with the slow pace of talks, complaining that the country's leaders "don't want change, but change is inevitable."

That is putting the best face on events. The ruling junta in Yangon appears more confident than ever after consolidating power following an internal struggle last year. It was comfortable enough to bug the office of the U.N. special rapporteur on Myanmar during his last visit. Gen. Than Shwe was greeted warmly during a recent visit to Beijing, where the delegation received firm backing from its Chinese hosts.

The recent session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights passed a resolution that called upon Myanmar to fulfill its obligations to restore the independence of the judiciary and due process of law, and to take further steps to reform its justice system -- a relative slap on the wrist given the long list of complaints against the regime.

China's backing makes it difficult to pressure the junta. Wary of Beijing's rising influence in the region and hoping to counter it, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is tempted to go easier on Yangon. That, along with a natural disposition toward noninterference in domestic affairs of member states, binds ASEAN's hand. That leaves the real work of encouraging reform to the developed world.

The United States has never hesitated to condemn the regime's behavior. The European Union agreed last month to extend and intensify sanctions against the country for another year. Japan's record is more nuanced. Japan has endorsed the political reform process and called for talks with Ms. Suu Kyi. Tokyo suspended all but humanitarian aid after the 1988 coup, but resumed assistance in 1994. Japan is currently the No. 1 provider of economic assistance to Myanmar.

Earlier this year, the Japan International Cooperation Agency announced it would spend $20 million in Myanmar in the next fiscal year. That should give Japan some leverage. Clearly, the Yangon government takes Japan seriously. Former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori just wrapped up a three-day visit to the country, where he was given the honors afforded a visiting head of state. He had a one-hour meeting with Mr. Than Shwe and long sessions with other top figures.

Mr. Mori likely pressed his hosts to continue on the path of reform. That is good advice, but it is not enough. Myanmar's junta knows how to play the game -- appeasing visitors while taking no steps that might risk loss of its power. The world must make clear that gestures no longer are enough.