Honduras recently announced it was planning to switch diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of China, becoming the latest country to fall into Beijing’s clutches after years of the latter’s “charm offensive” and other generally sinister forms of political and economic pressure.

This was preceded by Nicaragua going over to China’s side in December 2021. Eight countries have switched recognition in just the past seven years, allowing China to gain a greater stronghold in regions in which it was historically weak.

If Honduras does indeed switch sides, then that would leave just 13 governments (Belize, Guatemala, Paraguay, Haiti, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, the Grenadines, the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Palau, Tuvalu and Eswatini in Africa and the Vatican City in Europe) recognizing Taiwan, of which 12 are members of United Nations.

As the number of countries willing to help or stand-up for Taiwan decreases, the greater its isolation.

Similarly, as more countries recognize China, the diplomatic, economic and military costs and penalties for China, when it invades Taiwan, will be reduced. The fight, in other words, will be easier.

Wars happen for many reasons. One of them is when the military balance tips in favor of one side over another. While the military value of the aforementioned countries is negligible, the political symbolism is enormous.

China has long wanted to take Taiwan — peacefully, if possible; by force, if necessary — but it was militarily incapable of doing so. It had the will, but not the power.

This is no longer the case.

In fact, this has been true for some time. Meanwhile, U.S. capabilities and readiness continue to decline.

Particularly worrisome is China’s militarization of space and its ability to take out U.S. and allied satellites, which are essential for modern warfare whether it be communications, GPS or other areas. The U.S. and its allies do not have any defensive system currently in place to its protect its satellites.

Such a defense system was not expected to be in place until 2026, but the COVID-19 pandemic and issues with supply chains, especially semiconductor chips, has supposedly pushed the deployment back until 2027. This is likely the reason behind then-Indo-Pacific Commander Adm. Philip Davidson’s comments to the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee in March 2021 that China might strike as early as within six years.

Moreover, as has been widely reported, by providing Ukraine with weapons and supplies, the U.S. has depleted its reserves.

Equally worrisome is the expected expansion of the theater of conflict, which will work to China’s advantage.

Until the outbreak of the war in Ukraine in February last year and the joint statement between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping immediately before the commencement of hostilities — a statement in which Russia reaffirmed its support for the "One-China" policy and confirmed "Taiwan is an inalienable part of China and opposes any forms of independence of Taiwan” — a Taiwan contingency would have likely been limited to the Taiwan Strait.

But now it will likely involve military actions as far north as Hokkaido and beyond particularly in light of the following phrase in the same joint statement: “The (two) sides reaffirm their strong mutual support for the protection of their core interests, state sovereignty and territorial integrity, and oppose interference by external forces in their internal affairs.” Taken together, the nine-page statement certainly reads like an alliance even if the two anti-status quo nuclear powers may deny it.

In addition to Russia, there is North Korea, which is also nuclear-armed and has ramped up its missile testing in recent months, to worry about during a Taiwan contingency.

So, a one-front battle has now become a three-front war possibility, greatly dividing U.S. attention and that of Japan’s undermanned and underfinanced Self-Defense Forces. This does not include the havoc likely to be conducted within Japan by saboteurs and others, adding yet another “front” in the war.

Moreover, the war will also be multidomain across sectors not fully understood or prepared for yet.

The point of mentioning all of this is to point out, sadly, that Taiwan is essentially undefendable. This does not mean that we should not try to defend Taiwan, but instead to observe that we have crossed the point where it is reasonably defendable.

Therefore, a bolder strategy is necessary. Namely, the international community must recognize Taiwan diplomatically as the only way to deter China.

If instead of 13 small, military insignificant countries recognize Taiwan — a democratic, prosperous, law-abiding nation that ranks very high in freedom of the press, human rights, political participation and all other standards that the West holds dear — we had instead 130 countries, or more, this would give Beijing pause.

China would have to fight much of the world should it attack Taiwan. Time is running out for that brave country. The world cannot look away.

China’s actions toward all of its neighbors, particularly in territorial disputes, and internally in repressing its minorities are well known. Taiwan saw what happened after China took over Hong Kong and wants no part of that arrangement. The international community, especially the United States and Japan, needs to understand that and re-recognize before it is too late if it truly wishes to avert war.

Robert D. Eldridge is a former political adviser to the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa and is the translator of the recent book by Toshio Watanabe, “The Meiji Japanese Who Made Modern Taiwan” (Lexington, 2022).