The victory of Syriza, the radical left party, in national elections in Greece last week poses challenges to the established political order in that country as well as in Europe. It is a rejection of the duopoly that has ruled Greece for four decades as well as a repudiation of the austerity politics that the European Union has forced on debtor governments that cannot manage their economies.

In fact, the two are related: It is precisely the iron grip that entrenched parties have held throughout the continent that created many of the economic problems that have impoverished Europe.

Syriza's win was expected. Disdain for PASOK and New Democracy, the center-left and center-right parties, respectively, that have been the mainstays of Greek politics for much of the postwar era, has reached new heights as both struggled ineffectively to deal with the hardships imposed by insolvency.

Greece's economic troubles have only intensified since 2010, when the government revealed the extent of its indebtedness and was forced to turn to the Troika of the European Union, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bailout.

The terms of that assistance were onerous, forcing the government to drastically cut services, trim payrolls, sell assets and raise taxes. As a result, the country has suffered through six years of recession, with the economy shrinking 27 percent. The unemployment rate has exceeded a quarter of the population (28 percent), and youth unemployment tops 50 percent. It is reckoned that as much as 25 percent of households live near the poverty line.

Those numbers propelled Syriza to a resounding victory in the ballot. It won just over 36 percent of votes cast, leaving it just two seats shy of an absolute majority in the 300-seat Greek Parliament.

Syriza has pledged to reject austerity and promote "humanitarian" policies that will ease the pain that has engulfed the country. Key to the success of that effort is twofold: First, the party must create a stable coalition government, and then that government must find common ground with the Troika to renegotiate the debt deal.

Immediately after the election, Syriza announced the formation of a majority government with the Independent Greeks party, a small right-wing party; together they hold 162 seats. The two share little common ground other than a fierce opposition to the austerity measures.

As they differ widely on issues such as immigration and public order. maintaining a united front may be possible only if the government stays focused on economic issues.

Greece's creditors have indicated that they are in little mood to compromise and write off any of the country's debt. They are especially concerned that any concessions to Greece will trigger a clamor for similar relief by other troubled economies in Europe.

While the prospect of relief may be popular across southern Europe, the northern European countries that provided the funds are equally insistent that Greece, and other debtors, pay the price for what the creditors believe was financial irresponsibility. Thus lies the foundation for a genuine conflict.

While new Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras has said that he does not seek "a mutually destructive clash" with his creditors, he is insistent that a renegotiation is required, warning that his government will "radically change the way that policies and administration are conducted in this country."

How radical can he be?

In the first Cabinet meeting of the new government, Tsipras, the head of Syriza, said the new government's top priorities would be stimulating the economy to help deal with Greece's humanitarian crisis, commencing negotiations with creditors to get a mutually beneficial solution to the debt, creating a fairer tax system and dealing with the inequities of a political system that allowed cronyism and corruption to flourish.

The government followed up on those broad objectives by announcing the suspension of privatization programs that were an integral part of the Troika reform process. It now plans to reinstate public-sector employees determined to have been laid off unfairly, and to increase the pensions of retired people on low incomes.

The danger is that his radicalism may spread. The uniting of the right and left ends of the political spectrum in Greece — or, more precisely, the discrediting of the center — may be copied elsewhere in Europe. Similar disaffection and dissatisfaction can be found throughout the EU, whether the cause is laid to austerity, immigrants or German power.

The founder of Syriza's coalition partner refers to the anti-austerity measures as "the fourth Reich."

If such rhetoric takes root in Greece and is repeated elsewhere on the continent, the center may not hold. Since the Greek crisis, the chief concern has been "Grexit" — the country's exit from the euro and its consequences. The real danger may be even more fundamental, a reflection of political, not economic issues.

All of Europe must now be ready to deal with the consequence of the Greek election.