Little noticed in much of the world, the government of Nigeria is battling insurgents on two fronts. In the south, militants fight extraction of the region's mineral wealth for which they receive little in return; in the north, Islamic radicals are becoming increasingly violent as they try to impose Shariah law. Despite some tactical victories, the Lagos government is losing ground on both fronts. Nigeria's culture of corruption is dragging the country down, impoverishing one of Africa's wealthiest nations and creating a caldron of instability in a critical region of the continent.

Nigeria is a regional powerhouse. It is the most populous country in West Africa, accounting for half the region's population. It is the eight-largest exporter of oil in the world. Yet even though it was the largest crude oil producer in Africa, it is estimated that some 90 percent of the population lives on less than $2 a day.

A geographic and religious fault line divides the 140 million people of Nigeria: Christians dominate the south, Muslims the north. Since civilian governments returned to power in 1999, the country's 12 northern states have adopted Shariah law. While Shariah is consistent with the religious leanings of the population, most observers believe that it is seen more as a curb on corruption than an expression of radical Islam.

One group, Boko Haram, has demanded that the government go still further in the imposition of Islamic law. The group, whose name means "Western education is sin," emerged in 2004 and has been labeled the Nigerian Taliban. Its followers are estimated to be in the thousands. Until last month the group was led by Mohammed Yusuf, a preacher who urged followers to turn their backs on science — "because it spoils the belief in God" — and rid themselves of all material wealth, a state of existence he pointedly declined: He preferred to travel by chauffeur-driven Mercedes.

Last month, Boko Haram launched a series of attacks in four northern states on police stations, churches and government buildings. As militants prepared for a holy war, the military stepped in and the ensuing battles claimed over 700 lives. Yusuf was killed during the fighting. It is not clear if he was taken prisoner and executed or died in a gun battle. Human rights groups are demanding an investigation. In the meantime, the government is trying to mop up remaining members of the group, most of whom have gone into hiding and are thought to be regrouping.

Meanwhile, in the south, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) has picked up the pace of its activities. The group emerged at the end of 2005 with a series of attacks on oil facilities and infrastructure in the Niger Delta as well as the kidnapping of oil workers. In fact, a number of militant groups are at work in the area, all demanding that the central government stop stealing their wealth and end the environmental degradation that is destroying the region. MEND is the main militant organization; some even consider it an umbrella group that pays other groups to act on its behalf. It is thought to command some 10,000 soldiers.

MEND has been spectacularly successful. As a result of its efforts, Nigerian oil production has been cut by a third and Angola has surpassed Nigeria as Africa's No. 1 oil producer; the lost revenue is estimated to exceed $20 billion. More than 10,000 people have been killed in sectarian violence since the southern insurgency began.

Earlier this month, Nigeria announced a two-month amnesty for southern insurgents, hoping that it could buy peace for the region. The program offers each soldier $430 a month for retraining if they disarm. Other than that, details are sketchy. It is not clear where the $63 million it will cost will come from — most likely from new oil revenues if the pumps start working again — or what the rebels will do after they have been "retrained." If it is lack of opportunity that creates the militancy, then the failure to tackle the root cause of underdevelopment — corruption — ensures that this program will fail.

Previous amnesties offer little reason for hope. An earlier attempt to buy weapons from militants failed when the insurgents sold a fraction of their arms — usually older weapons — at inflated prices. This time, leaders of groups under MEND have said they are not even prepared to take the government's money.

Ultimately, the only hope for Nigeria is an end to its culture of corruption. A series of leaders — both military and civilian — have robbed the country blind. It was hoped that the end of military rule would end the misrule, but the theft continues, ordinary citizens continue to struggle to survive and the government fails to provide even rudimentary services as it destroys the land they live on. The people of Nigeria demand better — and they are fighting to get it.