Staff writer

This year's Tokyo gubernatorial election may be unprecedented in terms of magnitude of public attention, unpredictability of outcome and possible broader implications.

The problem that could most seriously affect the lives of Tokyoites -- the capital's near-bankrupt financial status -- does not appear to be taking center stage as voters focus more on the candidates' personal appeal or character.

Since incumbent Gov. Yukio Aoshima declared in early February that he will not seek re-election, the race has witnessed a series of dramas and surprises. On Thursday, a record 19 candidates registered, six of whom are considered viable contenders.

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party was thrown into turmoil over its bid to field a powerful candidate. While it eventually settled on former U.N. Undersecretary General Yasushi Akashi, Koji Kakizawa, a former foreign minister, defied the party and elected to run as an independent. The LDP ousted him.

Political scientist Yoichi Masuzoe and Chimpei Nozue, a former Upper House member, formed a surprising alliance, with Nozue backing out of the race. Then, after leaving the public and political parties guessing for days, former Transport Minister Shintaro Ishihara came onstage.

The race had shifted into high gear even before the official campaign period started Thursday, with major candidates appearing on TV shows almost daily, boasting their visions and policies with catchy slogans.

Their wives have also been widely featured in the media, calling for support for their husbands.

Many of Tokyo's 9.7 million voters normally adopt an air of indifference toward elections, but things may be different this time.

Recent media surveys show more than 70 percent of voters said they will go to the polls April 11, suggesting turnout could be much higher than the 50.67 percent four years ago. An obvious reason for such unusually high voter interest is the colorful lineup of candidates.

Akashi is one of a few Japanese to serve in a top-ranking U.N. position, leading peacekeeping missions in Cambodia and the former Yugoslavia.

Ishihara is a prize-winning novelist-turned-politician and coauthor of the book "The Japan That Can Say No," which stirred international controversy about a decade ago.

Both Kakizawa and Kunio Hatoyama, another contender, are former Lower House members elected in Tokyo. Hatoyama, hailing from an elite family of politicians, was a key leader of the Democratic Party of Japan, the largest opposition party. Masuzoe is a former Tokyo University assistant professor widely known due to frequent media appearances.

Japanese Communist Party-backed Man Mikami is known to be the model for "Kinpachi Sensei" ("Teacher Kinpachi"), a popular TV drama in the late 1970s about a dedicated junior high school teacher.

Ishihara, Kakizawa and Hatoyama have held Cabinet portfolios. Although Akashi had no domestic administrative career, he is trying to sell the experience he gained dealing with the U.N. bureaucracy.

Media polls indicate Tokyo residents, who grew disenchanted with Aoshima when it appeared he was being run by bureaucrats, are looking for a strong leader -- one possible reason Ishihara is said to be ahead of the pack.

But with Tokyo on the verge of bankruptcy and facing daunting tasks, including elderly care and garbage disposal, voters may also want to closely examine where the candidates want to take the metropolis in the 21st century.

Not surprisingly, all the candidates are pushing fiscal reform as a key campaign plank.

Amid the decline in corporate tax income resulting from the sluggish economy, the metro government is expected to face a revenue shortage of some 620 billion yen in fiscal 2000. Unless the situation improves, the shortfall over the three years to fiscal 2002 is projected to hit about 2 trillion yen.

The candidates meanwhile differ on how they would achieve the goal of fiscal reform. While Mikami wants the metropolis to halve its public works spending, Kakizawa proposes aggressive administrative reform, including paring 50,000 officials over 10 years.

Hatoyama says he would issue a "citizens' bond."

Masuzoe promises to cut expenditures by asking the central government to share the personnel costs of the Metropolitan Police Department.

On the controversial waterfront, Akashi and Kakizawa say they would invite cutting-edge industries there to boost Tokyo's economy.

Hatoyama and Mikami strongly criticize such an approach. Hatoyama wants to make the waterfront into something that would bring pleasure to Tokyo citizens, such as a cluster of theme parks, a fashion center or a shopping complex.

To boost Tokyo's declining international status, Akashi and Kakizawa call for more international flights to Haneda airport.

Ishihara and Mikami meanwhile say they would demand that Washington return the land now housing Yokota Air Base, although their motivation and vision appear far apart.

While Mikami and Masuzoe call for refining the social welfare system, other candidates propose privatizing public welfare services.

The result of the race, which will be confirmed April 11, may not only set the direction of the metro administration and the lives of Tokyo's citizens, but also affect national politics and Japan's international relations.

Critics say the LDP's leaders would be held responsible if Akashi fails to win the race. They also predict that a win by Ishihara, who has aired nationalistic views on foreign policy, would have major international repercussions. "Since Ishihara has criticized the Japanese government's political dependence on the United States, he would become a symbol of this school of thought," political critic Minoru Morita said.