LONDON — Russian recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia is a cynical ploy aimed at annoying Georgians and their supporters in the West. If these two enclaves within Georgia deserve to be independent, why has Russia not granted independence to Chechnya or Dagestan?

The Russians, in support of Serbia, have also refused to recognize the independence of Kosovo, which has a largely Albanian population.

West European countries that have recognized the independence of Kosovo argue that Kosovo is different because Yugoslavia was a federal state that broke up into separate republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia), so there was no sense in leaving Kosovo as part of Serbia when it was ethnically, linguistically and religiously so different from Serbia.

For nationalist reasons China asserts that national sovereignty should be inviolable. It will not admit that Tibet and other so-called autonomous regions are different and, as territories with separate languages, cultures and religions, deserve independence or at least real autonomy.

Japan has been more unified for the last millennium than most European countries. Still, a case on historical, ethnic and linguistic grounds could be made for greater autonomy, if not for independence, for the Ryukyus.

Italy, until unification was completed in 1870, was an amalgam of kingdoms, city states, republics and states controlled by the papacy in Rome. There is pressure especially in northern Italy for greater local autonomy.

Even France, until the end of the 16th century, was a collection of provinces and duchies with a number of different dialects and languages such as Breton and Norman French. Today there remain elements, for instance on Corsica, who demand independence from Paris or at least greater autonomy.

Of the larger West European states Spain has probably the greatest problems with separatist elements. Spain was unified by the merger of the royal houses of Castile and Aragon and the expulsion of the Muslims following the capture of Granada in 1492, but the separatist movement in the Basque area of northern Spain continues to pose a terrorist threat.

Other Spanish provinces such as Catalonia, Valencia and Aragon have been granted a measure of autonomy, but many are not satisfied with the powers allocated to their regions. Catalans claim that the Catalan language is different from Spanish, although nowhere near as different as Basque, which is not an Indo-European language.

The United Kingdom, as the name implies, combines the separate kingdoms of England and Scotland, united in 1603 when James VI of Scotland inherited the throne of England. Wales was joined with England in the first half of the 16th century.

Ireland for centuries was a major problem for the English crown, and English attempts to rule Ireland led to many bloody battles. The import into the northern provinces of Protestants from Scotland and England exacerbated relations with Catholics in the south. Northern Ireland, the northernmost provinces of the island, remains part of the U.K. and has its own devolved government and assembly in Belfast.

Wales, a British principality, prides itself on a distinctive culture and language. It was granted a separate assembly under the constitutional reforms instituted by the Blair government. For the present this seems to have satisfied most Welsh nationalists.

The Scottish Nationalist Party, however, is not satisfied with the degree of autonomy granted to the Scottish Parliament and continues to press for an independent Scotland, which has its own legal system and customs (although the Gaelic language is not in common use today).

The delegation of powers to Scotland and, to a lesser extent, Wales has left England in an anomalous position. Scottish and Welsh members of Parliament can vote on issues affecting only England, but cannot vote on powers delegated to the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh assembly.

How can regional pressures best be defused? There is a strong case for the maximum use of the principle of subsidiarity — delegation of powers that do not have to be exercised centrally.

Perhaps people in European countries will eventually come to think of themselves as citizens of Europe rather than of individual countries, but notions of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, combined with nationalism, still dominate much European popular thinking. Such narrow and intolerant thinking is out of date and goes against the sensible trend toward greater internationalism.

If areas within sovereign states want to become independent, can prove in a referendum that this has popular support and give realistic assurances of respect for minority rights (ethnic, religious and linguistic) modern states, Europeans and Asians should be willing to swallow national pride and recognize the independence of new mini-states. But we are a long way from achieving the tolerance of diversity demanded.

Meanwhile, linguistic nationalism imposes huge costs on international institutions. Each country's delegates expect to be able to talk at meetings in their own language and hear simultaneous translations of the speeches and comments of others. Inevitably nuances are lost in translation and misunderstandings arise.

Perhaps one day English will come to be regarded as the accepted language of international communication, but the French will fight hard to keep their language as the one for diplomacy. And other nations will argue that their languages, such as Chinese and Spanish, are spoken by more people than English or French!

Hugh Cortazzi, a former British career diplomat, served as ambassador to Japan from 1980 to 1984.