Through its involvement in Cambodia since the U.N. peacekeeping process began in 1991, Japan has played a positive role in attempting to bring peace and development to Cambodia. Japan's generous aid program has brought some significant benefits to Cambodians over the past 10 years. These include a glistening new $56 million bridge in eastern Cambodia, a new port in the country's main southern city, a maternal and child hospital in Phnom Penh, and the original "Japanese Bridge" (as it is referred to by Cambodians), which links Phnom Penh to much of the east of Cambodia.

In many ways Japan has a proud record in Cambodia. But some of Japan's recent assistance should cause concern in Tokyo. One example is Japan's $10 million contribution to military demobilization in Cambodia. Demobilizing and disarming much of the Cambodian Army has been a goal of the Cambodian government and donor countries for more than 10 years. The Cambodian Army is the largest violator of human rights in the country and is widely feared by villagers, judges and even the police and members of Parliament. It is also a huge drain on the national budget.

This is why international donors have agreed to spend $42 million to reduce the army from its official number of 130,000 to 100,000.

But Japan, the World Bank and others are funding a fraudulent program. Much of the army exists only on paper. Fueled by corruption at the highest levels, tens of thousands of "ghost" soldiers fill the rolls, while the ghouls who conjure them enrich themselves by collecting their salaries, uniforms and weapons. Though it is difficult to know the exact number of soldiers, in 1997 the United States put it at 60,000. The Cambodian co-minister of defense has been quoted as saying there are only 20,000-30,000 soldiers. Many observers put the current number at approximately 40,000.

This program is dangerous for Cambodians. Instead of looking forward to a peace dividend and a future with a small, professional army, there will be no reduction in the number of soldiers. The opportunity cost of this misspent money is enormous in a country with a per capita income of $300: for example, these funds could have built 2,100 new schools or 42,000 clean water wells.

Also worrying are signs that Japan may be moving toward a reversal of its policy of support for the United Nations in its negotiations with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen over a tribunal for the Khmer Rouge. During his January 2000 visit to Cambodia, then-Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi made it clear that Japan would only support a tribunal that met U.N. standards, rebuffing attempts by Hun Sen to negotiate Japanese involvement on a bilateral basis.

Obuchi was aware that Hun Sen's plans for a tribunal were deeply flawed. After making deals with former Khmer Rouge leaders, Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge member himself, has rejected the U.N. offer of an international tribunal. Instead, he has attempted to create a special court in which he will be the de facto prosecutor, judge and jury. Cambodian human-rights nongovernmental organizations have consistently opposed this plan, but have been ignored.

The U.N. has been reluctant to give its blessing to a flawed process, sending a list of concerns to Cambodia. Many of these relate to basic issues of fairness and due process, areas in which Cambodian courts are very weak. The U.N. also wants a commitment to arrest Khmer Rouge leaders indicted by the court.

Yet while negotiations proceed, Japanese government sources leaked the news that it plans to nominate a professor of law at Tokyo Uuniversity to serve as a judge on the tribunal. This may encourage Hun Sen to think that Japan would be willing to support a tribunal even if U.N. conditions are not met, and could undermine the U.N.'s efforts to create a tribunal capable of rendering justice to Cambodians.

Some are concerned. "We hope Japan will emphasize that any tribunal for the Khmer Rouge will have no credibility without the full support of the United Nations," says international NGO Human Rights Watch. "Japan is in a unique position, given its political and economic ties, to encourage respect for human rights and the rule of law in Cambodia."

Indeed, trials of Khmer Rouge leaders under the current formula will neither bring justice to survivors nor the necessary lessons for future generations.

Japan's involvement with Cambodia is as important now as ever as the country prepares for local elections in 2002, national elections in 2003, and tries to come to terms with the horrendous crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge. But Japan must be careful to balance its desire to support the Cambodian people with a nuanced approach to political matters, or it could make matters worse.

Cambodia remains a poorly governed country with an unreformed political leadership led by a prime minister with an appalling human rights record. Blank checks for development assistance may make sense, but the political initiatives of the Cambodian government should be carefully scrutinized before receiving Japan's support.