MANILA -- After analyzing the transition of some 30 countries from nondemocratic to democratic systems in the late 20th century, Samuel Huntington wrote "The Third Wave." Asia had emerged as a significant player in the tide of global democratization that began with the overthrow of the military dictatorship in Portugal in 1974 and culminated in Germany's democratic revolution (and peaceful reunification) in 1989-90.

After years of authoritarian rule, India, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan and Pakistan embraced or returned to democratic governance. Historically, though, democracy is rarely a one-way road. As Huntington argues, "the democratization waves and the reverse waves suggest a two-steps-forward, one-step-backward pattern."

Certain developments in Asia testify that the enthusiasm for democratic reform has wavered and that the process of democratization has entered a reversal phase. Not that the region is seeing democratic regimes fall back into dictatorships. In Indonesia and in Cambodia, encouraging steps toward democracy have taken place in recent years. The reversal I am talking about is different.

Newly democratized nations in the region are experiencing political turmoil that may be attributed to weak democratic institutions and the lack of societal consensus on how to solve constitutional disputes. The recent political crisis in the Philippines caused by an opposition party's attempt to impeach the chief judge is one such case; the escalating quarrel between the South Korean president and the main opposition group (and majority party) regarding illegal campaign funds is another example.

According to empirical surveys, in some Asian democracies, substantial portions of the population are not convinced of the virtues of democratic rule. Unfortunately, the political leaders are not always the best preachers of democratic values.

Recently, the democratically elected prime minister of Thailand, Thaksin Shinawatra, caused a stir when, in a statement released ominously on Thailand's Constitution Day, he said, "Democracy is a good and beautiful thing, but it's not the ultimate goal as far as administering the country is concerned."

According to his opponents, Thaksin's rhetoric reflects recent government actions such as the crackdown against illegal drugs in which allegedly many people have been subject to extrajudicial killings by the police, the Thai government's efforts to control the media and its attempts to unravel Thailand's constitutional system of checks and balances.

These and other issues were highlighted at a recent international conference in Bangkok on the 10th anniversary of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. Founded a decade ago in the Thai capital by Kim Dae Jung of South Korea, former Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and other democratic and liberal Asian leaders, CALD has evolved into a federation of political parties from all parts of Asia.

At their recent meeting, CALD members agreed that these are difficult times for democracy in Asia. Chuan said the optimism ushered in by the post-Cold War era regarding the inevitable, eventual triumph of democratic principles throughout Asia has been replaced by more somber assessments. Throughout the region, politicians who espouse democratic and liberal principles find themselves on the defensive.

In some countries, nationalism has replaced a more outward-looking and open-minded approach. Chuan said the financial crisis of 1997 has elevated nationalism to new heights. No longer is it limited to economic protectionism; it has also penetrated the political agenda. "The emergence of nationalistic reaction seems to be reinforcing a dangerous drift away from democracy," he said.

After 9/11, many governments passed new security laws, overruling concerns that civil liberties might be curtailed. How do Asia's democrats and liberals react to these challenges? Due to geographic and political diversity in the region, they do not speak with one voice on many issues. Yet a common denominator exists: a widespread consensus that political stability is a prerequisite for democratic consolidation and economic development.

Unlike their detractors who favor authoritarian remedies, Asia's democrats argue that political stability is achievable in a democratic context of checks and balances plus free and fair elections. "Political stability can only be achieved if elections reflect the true will of the people," Jose Concepcion, chairman of the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections (Philippines).

In Asia, as in other parts of the world, the enemies of democracy argue that only they are capable of safeguarding law and order. To rebut this myth has become a major challenge for liberal and democratic parties. While they are, indeed, champions of human rights and, consequently, the rule of law, this does not mean that they favor a feeble state.

"To consolidate democracy, we need a strong and functioning state," says Marzuki Darusman, former attorney general of Indonesia who is in charge of human rights for the Golkar Party.

The perennial weakness of political parties and their lack of democratic accountability in most Asian democracies may be termed one of the most serious challenges for democratic consolidation. Parties are not only the breeding ground for political leaders and laboratories for new policies; they are also a vital link between the citizens and the government. As long as this link remains severed, as is the case with most Asian countries, democratic consolidation will remain incomplete.