The Democratic Party of Japan is making preparations for taking over the government as the Diet is expected to choose DPJ leader Yukio Hatoyama as prime minister in the middle of this month. It has to decide on the personnel lineup of the party itself and the new Cabinet, while carrying out talks with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party (Kokumin Shinto) on forming a coalition. It needs to do these things quickly and smoothly.

After the Hatoyama Cabinet is formed, the new government and the DPJ must outline the fiscal 2010 budget. This means that they must change in a short time the governing system established by the Liberal Democratic Party during its nearly uninterrupted rule since 1955. With Sunday's landslide victory in the Lower House election behind it, the DPJ's governing ability will be tested soon.

How successful the DPJ is in coalition talks with the SDP and Kokumin Shinto will have strong political implications. Although the DPJ has won 308 out of the 480 seats in the Lower House, it does not enjoy a majority in the Upper House. It will need to get the cooperation from minor parties to secure a majority in that chamber.

In August 1993, a non-LDP administration led by Mr. Morihiro Hosokawa was formed and it continued through April the next year. But the circumstances in which the Hosokawa administration was formed differed from the current situation. At that time, eight non-LDP groups held talks to form a coalition government and went ahead only after seeing the LDP lose its Lower House majority in an election.

This time the main opposition party, after calling for a change of government in its election campaign, has succeeded in winning a majority in the all-powerful Lower House. But it still must try to form a coalition government to control the Upper House.

The DPJ is likely to face difficulty especially in talks with the SDP, particularly over the overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces. The SDP may push for tougher restrictions on the SDF's overseas missions, such as ending as soon as possible the Maritime Self-Defense Force's fueling mission in the Indian Ocean for navies engaged in antiterrorism activities. The SDP is also calling for enactment of Japan's three-point nonnuclear principle into law.

In the face of the DPJ's big win in the Lower House election, the SDP and Kokumin Shinto want to strengthen their identity and may up their ante in coalition talks. Mr. Hatoyama has to prove his leadership by quickly working out a feasible coalition agreement with these parties.

The DPJ also must flesh out a mechanism for taking the policy development initiative from the hands of bureaucrats and increasing the accountability of the bureaucracy. A national strategy bureau to be set up directly under the prime minister for working out fundamental policies and a budget outline, as well as an administration renewal conference for detecting waste in the nation's budget and bureaucracy, will play an important role in breaking the close ties between bureaucrats and politicians representing vested interests prevalent under LDP rule.

To set up these bodies, legislation is needed in the special Diet session. But the DPJ must decide soon who will head or work for these bodies and how these bodies will function.

As it becomes a governing party, what is most important for the DPJ is to ensure unity among party members and to strengthen it. This is all the more important because the party includes politicians and groups comprising a wide ideological spectrum. Mr. Hatoyama's leadership will be crucial, especially in making sure that Mr. Ichiro Ozawa, the former DPJ head who organized the Lower House election campaign and greatly contributed to increasing the party's strength, will not disrupt party unity.

Some 140 new DPJ candidates have been elected to the Lower House. Mr. Ozawa recruited many of them and coached them in their election campaign. DPJ lawmakers close to Mr. Ozawa are now a dominant force within the DPJ. He must not only nurture newcomers as reliable politicians but also cooperate closely with Mr. Hatoyama and other party leaders. It is imperative that the DPJ prevent the development of a dual power structure, with Mr. Hatoyama occupying one center and Mr. Ozawa another.

In February 1994, Mr. Ozawa single-handedly decided to raise the consumption tax rate and had Prime Minister Hosokawa announce the plan. Although the plan was quickly retracted, the administration lost its unifying power, drawing criticism from within and without.

The DPJ also should have the courage to withhold promises in its election manifesto if the party deems them as unreasonable after further study. One promise that may deserve reconsideration is toll-free expressways, which may cause financial and environmental problems and deter development of public transport systems. In withholding promises, full explanations must be given to the public.