On Nov. 5, the Tokyo District Court sentenced Muneo Suzuki, a former Lower House member of the Liberal Democratic Party, to two years in prison for bribery, misreporting donations and perjury. Suzuki, who once served as state minister in charge of development in Hokkaido, was a key member of the LDP's largest faction, which was headed until recently by former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto.

Suzuki represented the politics of pork and patronage in more ways than one. Not only did he use political power for personal gain; he also exerted influence on government bureaucrats so that his favorite businesses were awarded lucrative contracts. In return, he received bribes from those firms.

Meanwhile, Hashimoto allegedly received a 100 million yen secret donation from the Japan Dentists Federation while he was chairman of the LDP faction. Former Chief Cabinet Secretary Kanezo Muraoka -- who was the faction's acting chairman while Hashimoto was ill -- and a few other men have been indicted. No action has been taken against Hashimoto.

The politics of pork boils down to peddling political influence for selfish reasons. The LDP, however, appears unable, if not unwilling, to break its old habits. Indeed, there is a deep feeling that clean politics may not materialize as long as the party remains in power.

The Tokyo District Court ruling describes how Suzuki practiced money politics. During his stint as minister of the Hokkaido Development Agency, for example, he arranged for a local constructor, a leading Suzuki supporter, to get a contract on a port project. The company requested that Suzuki use his position to make the arrangement; he accepted the request and took a 6 million yen bribe in return. After that, he ordered his subordinates "without hesitation" to make sure that the firm won the contract.

His criminal conduct has brought into sharp relief a tripartite structure of "political-bureaucratic-corporate collusion." Noting that Suzuki held a number of key Cabinet posts, including those of deputy chief Cabinet secretary and parliamentary vice foreign minister, the court ruling states: "He was required to maintain a high level of ethics and integrity, yet he received bribes to promote his own interests. Consequently, he deserves severe censure."

Will "Muneo politics" -- another name for money politics -- disappear? That remains to be seen. During the trial, Suzuki pleaded not guilty, saying he never sought personal gain. Apparently he is hoping to make a comeback in the next Lower House election. The question is how voters will react.

Suzuki ran in July's Upper House election from the Hokkaido prefectural constituency. He lost, but garnered more than 480,000 votes, or 17.5 percent of all votes cast for seven candidates in the district (he came in fourth). Of 73 candidates who won in prefectural districts, only 29 collected more votes than he did. Thus Suzuki demonstrated a remarkable ability to get votes. This indicates that many Hokkaido citizens continue looking to his political influence.

Regarding the secret donation from the dentist group, prosecutors said in court that a check for 100 million yen was given at a party attended by Hashimoto and other leaders of his faction, including former LDP secretary general Hiromu Nonaka. Nonaka has denied attending the party, while Hashimoto has declined to comment.

The issue of "politics and money" -- along with the question of whether to extend Japan's troop deployment in Iraq -- is the focal point of debate in the current Diet session.

The issue involves, first, whether to summon Hashimoto as a sworn witness. For his part, Hashimoto has refused to testify under oath, although he has agreed to appear before a Lower House panel on political ethics. Muraoka, however, has expressed a willingness to testify under oath. Normally the panel is held behind closed doors, and witnesses are exempt from perjury charges.

Hashimoto, who allegedly received the check, should testify under oath if he believes that he did nothing wrong. The donation scandal will linger unless Hashimoto and others involved make clear exactly how the money changed hands. Clarification is needed to erase the public's mistrust of politics.

The second question is how to regulate donations by political action groups to factional fundraising bodies. At present, the Political Funds Control Law places no limits on these group-to-group contributions.

A revision plan worked out by the LDP and New Komeito, the junior member of the governing coalition, would put a 50 million yen cap on these intergroup donations. There is a potential loophole, though. If the groups on both sides split into smaller units, the sum of donations would likely exceed the limit by a wide margin.

Another sticking point is "detour donations," so-called because they are made indirectly to selected politicians through the LDP's fund management body, Kokumin Seiji Kyokai (National Political Association). Group donations to individual politicians directly are legally restricted. Detour donations tend to blur money ties between business circles and particular politicians.

The LDP has put off the initiative to limit donations to parties and their fund management bodies. In contrast, the opposition Democratic Party of Japan is seeking to impose a 100 million yen limit. The party is also proposing a 30 million yen ceiling on intergroup donations.

The DPJ, while criticizing the LDP's money-tainted politics, has been hit by corruption scandals involving several of its own. In March, former Home Affairs Minister Kanju Sato was arrested on charges of pay fraud and resigned from the Lower House. In November, Lower House legislator Yuzuru Tsuzuki resigned after his former aide and others were convicted of election law violations.

Separately, two other Lower House members are awaiting decisions by the Supreme Court. In September, Junichiro Koga, who had been expelled from the party for lying about his educational background in a Lower House election, also resigned.

The DPJ, the largest opposition party, holds the vantage point from which to attack the LDP. These scandals, however, appear to have seriously weakened that position and have further eroded public trust in politics

Political corruption, be it pork distribution or election law violations, eats away at the foundations of democracy. It must be stamped out before it is too late. Voters who support lawbreaking politicians also bear grave responsibility.