Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi cleared his biggest political hurdle in the ongoing Diet session Tuesday as the Lower House special committee approved a bill enabling the Self-Defense Forces to provide noncombat support to any U.S.-led response to the Sept. 11 attacks.

With the Lower House almost certain to approve the bill Thursday and full Diet approval expected next week, Koizumi has effectively succeeded in fulfilling his pledge to U.S. President George W. Bush to play a "visible" role by deploying the SDF.

But Koizumi's attempt to win broad support for the bill by bringing the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan on board failed due to a political tug of war within the ruling triumvirate.

Koizumi and DPJ leader Yukio Hatoyama could not agree Monday night to modify the bill to accommodate a DPJ demand that the government must seek Diet approval before dispatching troops.

The DPJ claimed that the Diet should be able to deliberate on any SDF deployment plan beforehand, while the ruling coalition argued that such a requirement would prevent the government from swiftly responding to possible U.S. requests for Japanese support.

While Koizumi himself appeared ready to strike a compromise with the DPJ, the LDP's two coalition partners -- New Komeito and the New Conservative Party -- are believed to have feared warmer relations between the prime minister and the DPJ that could eventually threaten the current coalition framework.

Since Koizumi took office in April, there has been persistent concern among the LDP's coalition partners that the popular prime minister could one day desert them and seek a more powerful coalition with the DPJ, many of whose members have expressed support for his reform agenda.

Had Koizumi and the DPJ reached agreement, it may have given the impression of closer ties between the LDP and the DPJ, perhaps typecasting the two other coalition parties as mere yes men for the LDP, a senior NCP member said.

Once the government-sponsored bill passes, the SDF will be allowed to provide logistic and other noncombat support to the U.S.-led operation, engage in search-and-rescue activities for missing military personnel and carry out humanitarian relief.

SDF personnel will also gain flexibility regarding use of weapons. They will be able to use arms not only to protect themselves but also those "under their care," including refugees and wounded foreign service members.

As he departed for a one-day trip to South Korea on Monday morning, Koizumi told reporters that he would be "flexible," hinting that he could accept DPJ demands on revising the bill.

However, the situation changed later in the day when secretaries general of the three coalition parties agreed that the bill should be amended so the government could seek Diet approval after, not before, troops are dispatched. Under the coalition accord, the government has 20 days to obtain Diet approval or withdraw the troops.

The two junior coalition partners apparently intended to lay siege to Koizumi ahead of the Monday evening meeting of coalition leaders so that the prime minister had no other alternative but to reject the DPJ proposal.

And he did so. During a subsequent meeting with Hatoyama, Koizumi only spoke up when asking the DPJ to accept the revisions made by the ruling coalition.

Some political observers say Koizumi, now that he has lost the chance to draw closer to the DPJ, will have to continue to depend on the alliance with New Komeito and the NCP.

Koizumi still has another major issue to tackle during the extraordinary Diet session -- reinvigorating the slipping economy.

LDP Secretary General Taku Yamasaki has repeatedly noted that revitalizing the economy is as important as the terrorism bill in terms of global welfare in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks.

"Japan's role in preventing a global economic slide is as important as dispatching the SDF overseas," he has said.

Some economists are concerned that government measures to tackle the ailing economy may see a delay since it is focusing much of its energy on the antiterrorism legislation.

The pending steps include strengthening the functions of Resolution and Collection Corp., a quasi-governmental bad-loan purchaser, and the creation of a special RCC fund to support restructuring by Japanese firms.

The government is also planning to limit banks' shareholdings to the net worth of their capital so that the financial system will be less vulnerable to stock market fluctuations.

Attention is also focused on whether Koizumi will limit the issuance of government bonds to less than 30 trillion yen -- a major pillar in his plan to restore the nation's fiscal health -- in drawing up a supplementary budget. Koizumi recently stated that he is "well aware of the change in circumstances."

Akio Makabe, chief economist at Dai-Ichi Kangyo Research Institute, warned that the economy will take a further downturn if the market starts to feel the government is putting off measures to solve the economic malaise.

"I understand that the government must put priority on the terrorism bill," he said. "But if it is necessary, the Diet needs to deliberate several issues simultaneously."

Makabe urged Koizumi to "flexibly" draw up a supplementary budget since the situation has changed since he first referred to the 30 trillion yen annual limit on the issuance of government bonds.